The Tea Party movement has become a platform for conservative
populist discontent, a force in Republican politics for revival, as it
was in the Massachusetts Senate election, or for division. But it is
also about the profound private transformation of people like Mrs.
Stout, people who not long ago were not especially interested in
politics, yet now say they are bracing for tyranny.
These people are part of a significant undercurrent within the Tea Party movement that has less in common with the Republican Party than with the Patriot movement, a brand of politics historically associated with libertarians, militia groups, anti-immigration advocates and those who argue for the abolition of the Federal Reserve.
Urged on by conservative commentators, waves of newly minted activists
are turning to once-obscure books and Web sites and discovering a set
of ideas long dismissed as the preserve of conspiracy theorists,
interviews conducted across the country over several months show. In
this view, Mr. Obama and many of his predecessors (including George W. Bush)
have deliberately undermined the Constitution and free enterprise for
the benefit of a shadowy international network of wealthy elites.
Loose
alliances like Friends for Liberty are popping up in many cities,
forming hybrid entities of Tea Parties and groups rooted in the Patriot
ethos. These coalitions are not content with simply making the
Republican Party more conservative. They have a larger goal — a
political reordering that would drastically shrink the federal
government and sweep away not just Mr. Obama, but much of the
Republican establishment, starting with Senator John McCain.
In many regions, including here in the inland Northwest, tense
struggles have erupted over whether the Republican apparatus will
co-opt these new coalitions or vice versa. Tea Party supporters are
already singling out Republican candidates who they claim have “aided
and abetted” what they call the slide to tyranny: Mark Steven Kirk, a candidate for the Senate from Illinois, for supporting global warming legislation; Gov. Charlie Crist of Florida, who is seeking a Senate seat, for supporting stimulus spending; and Meg Whitman, a candidate for governor in California, for saying she was a “big fan” of Van Jones, once Mr. Obama’s “green jobs czar.”
During a recent meeting with Congressional Republicans, Mr. Obama
acknowledged the potency of these attacks when he complained that
depicting him as a would-be despot was complicating efforts to find
bipartisan solutions.
“The fact of the matter is that many of
you, if you voted with the administration on something, are politically
vulnerable in your own base, in your own party,” Mr. Obama said.
“You’ve given yourselves very little room to work in a bipartisan
fashion because what you’ve been telling your constituents is, ‘This
guy’s doing all kinds of crazy stuff that is going to destroy
America.’ ”
The ebbs and flows of the Tea Party ferment are
hardly uniform. It is an amorphous, factionalized uprising with no
clear leadership and no centralized structure. Not everyone flocking to
the Tea Party movement is worried about dictatorship. Some have a basic
aversion to big government, or Mr. Obama, or progressives in general.
What’s more, some Tea Party groups are essentially appendages of the
local Republican Party.
But most are not. They are frequently
led by political neophytes who prize independence and tell strikingly
similar stories of having been awakened by the recession.
Their families upended by lost jobs, foreclosed homes and depleted
retirement funds, they said they wanted to know why it happened and
whom to blame.
That is often the point when Tea Party supporters
say they began listening to Glenn Beck. With his guidance, they
explored the Federalist Papers, exposés on the Federal Reserve, the
work of Ayn Rand and George Orwell. Some went to constitutional seminars. Online, they discovered radical critiques of Washington on Web sites like ResistNet.com (“Home of the Patriotic Resistance”) and Infowars.com (“Because there is a war on for your mind.”).
Many describe emerging from their research as if reborn to a new
reality. Some have gone so far as to stock up on ammunition, gold and
survival food in anticipation of the worst. For others, though,
transformation seems to amount to trying on a new ideological outfit —
embracing the rhetoric and buying the books ...
their vision of the federal government is frequently at odds with
the one that both parties have constructed. Tea Party gatherings are
full of people who say they would do away with the Federal Reserve, the
federal income tax and countless agencies, not to mention bailouts and
stimulus packages. Nor is it unusual to hear calls to eliminate Social Security, Medicare and Medicaid.
A remarkable number say this despite having recently lost jobs or
health coverage. Some of the prescriptions they are debating —
secession, tax boycotts, states “nullifying” federal laws, forming
citizen militias — are outside the mainstream, too.
At a recent
meeting of the Sandpoint Tea Party, Mrs. Stout presided with brisk
efficiency until a member interrupted with urgent news. Because of the
stimulus bill, he insisted, private medical records were being shipped
to federal bureaucrats. A woman said her doctor had told her the same
thing. There were gasps of rage. Everyone already viewed health reform
as a ruse to control their medical choices and drive them into the grip
of insurance conglomerates. Debate erupted. Could state medical
authorities intervene? Should they call Congress?
As the
meeting ended, Carolyn L. Whaley, 76, held up her copy of the
Constitution. She carries it everywhere, she explained, and she was
prepared to lay down her life to protect it from the likes of Mr.
Obama.
“I would not hesitate,” she said, perfectly calm.
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